Distinguish Between Priests And Shamans.

Mediators between the globe of spirits and the world of men may be divided into two classes: The shamans, whose authorisation was entirely dependent on their individual ability, and the priests, who acted in some measure for the tribe or nation, or at to the lowest degree for some gild.

Shaman is explained variously as a Persian word pregnant 'pagan', or, with more likelihood, as the Tungus equivalent for 'medicine-man', and was originally applied to the medicine-men or exorcists in Siberian tribes, from which it was extended to like individuals amid the Indian tribes of America.

Among the Haida and Tlingit, shamans performed practically all religious functions, including, equally usual, that of physician, and occasionally a shaman united the ceremonious with the religious power by being a town or business firm chief too. Generally speaking, he obtained his position from an uncle, inheriting his spiritual helpers just as he might his material wealth; only there were likewise shamans who became such attributable to natural fitness. In either example the first intimation of his new power was given by the man falling senseless and remaining in that condition for a certain catamenia. Elsewhere in North America, however, the sweat bathroom was an important assistant in bringing about the proper psychic state, and sure individuals became shamans subsequently escaping from a stroke of lightning or the jaws of a wild beast. When treating a patient or otherwise performing, a northwest declension shaman was supposed to exist possessed by a supernatural being whose proper name he diameter and whose dress he imitated, and among the Tlingit this spirit was often supported past several small spirits which were represented upon the shaman's mask and strengthened his eyesight, sense of smell, etc. He allow his pilus grow long, never cutting or dressing it. When performing he ran around the burn very speedily in the direction of the sun, while his assistant rut upon a wooden drum and his friends sang the spirit songs and beat out upon narrow pieces of board. Then the spirit showed him what he was trying to observe, the location of a whale or other nutrient beast, the approach of an enemy, or the crusade of the sickness of a patient. In the latter case he removed the object that was causing pain by blowing upon the affected part, sticking at it, or rubbing a charm upon information technology. If the soul had wandered, he captured and restored it, and in instance the patient had been bewitched he revealed the name of the offender and directed how he was to be handled. Payment for his services must always be made in advance, simply in instance of failure information technology was ordinarily returned, while among some tribes failure was punished with death. Shamans also performed sleight-of-hand feats to evidence their power, and ii shamans among hostile people would fight each other through the air by ways of their spirits, while no state of war party started off without one.

The ideas behind shamanistic practices in other American tribes were very much the same as these, but the forms which they took varied considerably. Thus instead of being really possessed, Iroquois shamans and probably others controlled their spirits objectively as if they were handling so many instruments, while Chitimacha shamans consulted their helpers in trances.

Amongst the Nootka there were 2 classes of shamans, the Ucták-u, or 'workers', who cured a person when sickness was thrown upon him by an enemy or when information technology entered in the shape of an insect, and the K'ok-oā'tsmaah, or 'soul workers', especially employed to restore a wandering soul to its body.

The Songish of the southern end of Vancouver Isle as well had two sorts of shamans. Of these the higher, called the squnä'am, acquired his ability in the usual way past intercourse with supernatural beings, while the sī'oua, who was usually a woman, received her noesis from some other sī'oua. The former answered more most to the mutual type of shaman, while the part of the latter was to gratify hostile powers, to whom she spoke a sacred linguistic communication. She was also practical to by women who desired to bear children, and for all kinds of charms.

Among the interior Salish the initiation of shamans and warriors seems to accept taken place in one and the same manner, i. eastward. through animals which became the novices' guardian spirits. Kutenai shamans had special lodges in the campsite larger than the rest, in which they prayed and invoked the spirits.

The Hupa of California recognized two sorts of shamans: the dancing shamans, who determined the cause of disease and the steps necessary for recovery, and other shamans, who later locating the trouble removed it by sucking. Mohave shamans usually receive their powers directly from Mastamho, the chief deity, and larn them by dreaming rather than the more than usual methods of fasting, isolation, petition, etc. Dixon records this latter feature likewise amid the Shasta. The Maidu seem to have presented considerable variations within one small surface area. In some sections heredity played little office in determining who should get a shaman, just in the northeast part of the Maidu country all of a shaman's children were obliged to have upwardly his profession or the spirits would kill them. There were 2 sorts of shamans, the shaman proper, whose functions were mainly curative, and the "dreamer," who communicated with spirits and the ghosts of the dead. All shamans were besides dreamers, but not the opposite. During the winter months the dreamers held meetings in darkened houses, where they spoke with the spirits much like mod spirit mediums. At other times the shamans of the foothill region met to encounter which was most powerful, and danced until all but i had dropped out. 1 who had not had a shaman for a parent had to become into the mountains to a place where some spirit was supposed to reside, fast, and go through sure ceremonies, and when a shaman desired to obtain more powerful helpers than those he possessed lie did the same. Shamans in this region e'er carried cocoon rattles.

Hoffman enumerates three classes of shamans among the Chippewa, in addition to the herbalist or doctor, properly and then considered. These were the wâběnō', who skillful medical magic, the jěs'sakī'd, who were seers and prophets deriving their power from the thunder god, and the midē', who were concerned with the sacred club the Midē'wiwin, and should rather be regarded as priests.

These latter were evidently represented among the Delaware by the medeu, who concerned themselves especially with healing, while there was a split up class of diviners called powwow, or `dreamers.'

Different most shamans, the angakunirn of the Fundamental Eskimo communicated with their spirits while seated. It was their chief duty too find out the breaking of what taboos had caused sickness or storms.

Equally distinguished from the calling of a shaman, that of a priest was, every bit has been said. national or tribal rather than private, and if there were considerable ritual his part might be more that of leader in the ceremonies and keeper of the sacred myths than direct mediator betwixt spirits and men. Sometimes, every bit on the northwest coast and amongst the Eskimo, the functions of priest and shaman might be combined, and the two terns have been used so interchangeably by writers, particularly when practical to the Eastern tribes, that it is oft hard to tell which is the proper one.

Even where shamanism flourished nearly in that location was a tendency for certain priestly functions to centre effectually the town or tribal principal. This appears amongst the Haida, Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl in the prominent part the chiefs played in hush-hush society performances, and a main of the Fraser River coast Salish was even more than of a loftier priest than a civil chief, leading his people mall religious functions.

Almost of the tribes of the eastern plains contained two classes of men that may be placed in this category. Ane of these classes consisted of societies which concerned themselves with hearing and applied definite remedies, though at the same time invoking superior powers, and to exist admitted to which a human was obliged to pass through a period of instruction. The other was made upwardly of the one or the few men who acted as superior officers in the conduct of national rituals, and who transmitted their knowledge concerning information technology to an equally limited number of successors. Similar to these, perhaps, were the priests of the Midē'wiwin ceremony among the Chippewa, Menominee, and other Algonquian tribes.

According to Bartram, " as well several juniors or graduates" there was a high priest in every Creek boondocks. These were persons of effect and exercised great influence in the country, particularly in armed forces affairs. They would" foretell pelting or drought and pretend to bring rain at pleasure, cure diseases, and exorcise witchcraft, invoke or expel evil spirits, and fifty-fifty assume the power of directing thunder and lightning." The Natchez country was a theocracy in which the head principal, or "Dandy Sun," beingness straight descended from the national lawgiver who had come out of the sun, was ex-officio high priest of the nation, although the guardian of the temple seems to have relieved him partially of his priestly duties. The remainder of the Suns shared in their functions to a minor caste, they forming a sacred degree.

Doubtless the well-nigh highly adult priesthood north of United mexican states, however, is amongst the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, where information technology controls the civil and armed services branches of the tribe, transforming information technology in to a theocratic oligarchy. The rain priesthood is a body well-nigh entirely composed of men whose duty information technology is by undercover prayers and fasts to bring plentiful supplies of rain. The priesthood of the bow is really a war society whose ceremonies are held to requite thanks for abundant crops, or, later a scalp had been taken, to bring about rain through the pleasure that the taking of this scalp gives to the anthropic gods, the controllers of the pelting. The two head priests of the bow and the rain priests of the six fundamental points form the fountain head of all authorization and the court of last appeal in Zuñi. Each of these, except the priest of the zenith, has several administration, and the priestess of fecundity, the female person assistant of the priest of the due north, who stands highest in rank, possesses very great authority. Below these are the social club of Kótikilli and the esoteric societies. All male Zuñi and very rarely some females are admitted into the former, which deals directly with the anthropic gods and whose ceremonials are for the purpose of bringing pelting. The esoteric societies, however, have to do mainly with the zoic or beast gods and are primarily healing societies. A patient may exist treated by them at the time of the ceremonies or he may ship for a unmarried fellow member. These societies besides concur very important ceremonies to bring rain, but they effect this mediately through the influence which the fauna gods are supposed to exert upon the anthropic gods. The active members of these societies, including the Kótikilli likewise, in contradistinction to the pelting and war priests, are called by a special proper name "theurgists," but their functions approach nearer to those of priests than of shamans (Stevenson).

Consult further:

1. Bartram, Travels, 1791;
2. Boas, Bourke, Cushing, Dorsey, Hoffman, Mooney, Russell, and Mrs Stevenson in Reps. B. A. E.;
3. Boas in Reps. Brit. Asso. Adv. Sci.;
4. Boas in Rep. Nat. Mus. 1895, 1897;
5. Brinton, The Lenape and their Legends, 1885;
6. Chamberlain in Jour. Am. Folk-lore, xiv, no. 53, 1901;
7. Curtis, Northward. Am. Ind., 1907-09;
8. Cushing in Pop. Sci. Mo., June 1882;
9. Dixon in Jour. Am. Folklore, xvii, no. 64, 1904;
10. Gatschet, Creek Migr. Leg., i, two, 1884-88;
11. Goddard, Life and Culture of the Hupa, 1903;
12. Krause, Tlinkitlnd.,1885;
13. Kroeber in Am. Anthr., iv, 2, 1902;
14. Teit in Mem. Am. Nat. Hist., 2, no. iv, 1900;
15. Teit and Swanton in Mem. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., II and v, 1905.

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Distinguish Between Priests And Shamans.,

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